Friday, March 28, 2014

Russian Inconsistencies Re: Crimea vs. Kosovo


           The Russians and their sympathizers are claiming that the West is being “hypocritical” in opposing the referendum for independence of Crimea after supporting independence for Kosovo.  The West is being entirely consistent in supporting liberty and self-determination, while the Russians and those who sympathize with them are the ones who are being inconsistent.

            First of all, hypocrisy, which is the most overused and misused word of our time, means a “false show of morals.”  A referendum for independence is not a moral issue, but even if it were, the West’s support for Kosovo’s independence was sincere, as is its repugnance of the Crimean referendum because the former represented self-determination while the latter does not.  What the Russians and their sympathizers mean is to accuse the West of inconsistency

            The West’s principles in regard to self-determination are two-fold.  First, overthrowing a government or declaring independence is justified only when liberty is not respected, which was the rationale behind the American Declaration of Independence, for example.  Second, self-determination by a people necessarily is expressed only if the choice is freely made.  Unlike in Kosovo, neither of these two principles was present in the case of Crimea.

            Kosovo had been an autonomous province of mostly ethnic Albanians within Yugoslavia (later Serbia) with a significant minority of Serbs, as well as others.  The Serbs, led by Communist Slobodan Milosevic, had stirred up antipathy against the ethnic Albanians, as they had against Croats and Bosnian Muslims during the various wars in the former Yugoslavia in the 1990s, which led to an independence movement and the declaration by the Kosovar government of independence after Yugoslavia had stripped the territory of its autonomy.  There were incidents of genocide against Kosovar Albanians, as well as forced deportations, which represented the same type of “ethnic cleansing,” as ethnic Serbs had committed in other parts of the former Yugoslavia.  After a N.A.T.O.-led air assault against Serbia in 1999, a truce took hold, backed by international peacekeepers under United Nations mandate.

The U.N. administered the mostly autonomous territory with the intent to determine the territory’s final status, including independence, and monitored popular elections until Kosovo’s popularly elected government declared independence in 2008, nine years after the end of Serb rule.  Kosovo chose not to merge with neighboring Albania, which had not invaded it, and to respect minority rights, including those of Kosovar Serbs.  In short, Kosovo, protected by peacekeepers, had freely chosen independence democratically, not union with the nation-state of its mother tongue, only after its liberty had been violated, after a lengthy period of transition, while guaranteeing the liberty of ethnic and religious minorities.

In Crimea, by contrast, there has been no genocide or forced deportations or any credible threats to ethnic Russians there.  The referendum was conducted hastily, without the opportunity of any significant public debate, which deprived the opposition an opportunity to organize and campaign, and without any international observation, unlike Kosovo’s elections.  In contrast to Kosovo’s declaration of independence, Crimea’s referendum did not represent a free choice because it was conducted without sufficient press freedoms or freedoms of assembly, with the Crimean people surrounded by Russian troops who had recently invaded it with the intent to annex it.  Furthermore, the Crimean referendum also did not permit a free choice because the options on the ballot were only two: greater autonomy in the ethnic Russian-controlled territory (de facto control by the Russian Federation) or independence (with the intent to be annexed by Russia).  There was no option for the status quo of autonomy within Ukraine.  The ethnic Russians in Crimea were stirred up by nationalist Russian propaganda that the Ukrainian government were “fascists” who threatened them.  It was not clear how many of the Russians were aware of the lack of liberty in authoritarian Russia they voted to join.  Not surprisingly, ethnic Ukrainians and Tatars mostly boycotted the referendum, meaning that the supposed 97% vote in favor of independence represented only the ballots cast by some of the 60% Russian electorate.  There is no guarantee by Russia, in contrast to Kosovo, of minority rights in Crimea.  Indeed, no ordinary citizen in Russia enjoys freedom fully.
           
Unlike Kosovo’s declaration of independence, the referendum in Crimea was neither justified, nor a free choice.  Therefore, the West’s support for the former and opposition to the latter is consistent with its belief in liberty and self-determination.  The West could support Crimean independence only if it were justified as being necessary and the choice were free.  Moreover, the United States had agreed to protect Ukraine’s independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity in 1997, an agreement to which Russia was also a party. 

In addition to violating its agreement to recognize Ukraine’s borders as including Crimea, Russia’s opposition to Kosovo’s declaration of independence is inconsistent with its annexation of Crimea.  Russia had opposed Kosovo’s independence because it supported the Communist government of fellow Slavs Serbia, despite Serbian crimes against humanity.  Russia had also opposed independence for other former Yugoslav territories that were not allegiant to it.  The brutal Russian suppression of the independence movement in the Russian territory of Chechnya is also inconsistent with the new Russian foreign policy of ostensibly supporting self-determination.  The Russian government’s only consistency is to pursue its own interests, regardless of principles.  

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