Last week was the fifteenth anniversary of the commencement
of the Liberation of Iraq on March 19, 2003 that removed the Baathist regime of
Saddam Hussein from power. The coalition
was led by the United States
under President George W. Bush and included dozens of Western and Muslim
states.
Hussein’s Iraqi brutal regime had
committed serial aggression, culminating in its invasion of Kuwait in 1990, and
violated the 1991 ceasefire it had signed after the Liberation of Kuwait by
failing to make reparations to Kuwait and by firing at Coalition aircraft
patrolling no-fly zones over Kurdish and Shi’ite areas of Iraq, as well as
violated United Nations Resolutions that required it to prove it had destroyed
its known weapons of mass destruction and materiel and ceased its programs and
not to have missiles over a certain length of range and sponsored terrorism by
openly harboring and financing terrorists, including those who targeted and
killed Americans.
Bush’s predecessor, Bill Clinton,
had declared the overthrow of Hussein’s regime to be U.S. policy, but after the
September 11 Terrorist Attacks, the U.S. was even less willing than before to
tolerate terrorism, especially potential large-scale threats from
state-sponsors of terrorism, particularly those with weapons of mass
destruction programs. Iraq, a former
Soviet client state, had repeatedly used chemical weapons against Iranians and
Iraqi Kurds. The U.N. Security Council
had unanimously declared Iraq
in “material breach” of its resolutions in regard to weapons of mass
destruction, which expressly meant it would face “serious consequences,” which
was diplomatic language for the use of force.
Therefore, although there was some reasonable debate about the prudence
of the war, there were abundant justifications.
Hussein’s regime was toppled within
weeks with relatively low casualties for the American-led “Coalition of the
Willing,” but the Baathists had fostered Islamists to conduct a post-regime
guerilla and terrorist campaign, in alliance with al-Qaeda in Iraq, which had
been present before the beginning of the war.
Al-Qaeda encouraged violent jihadists to come to Iraq, where they were easier to kill or capture
than in Afghanistan. Unable to win militarily, the militant
Islamists engaged in a campaign to kill enough American and allied servicemen
to turn public opinion against the war.
Before the war, public opinion surveys suggested the American people
would tolerate up to the same number of fatalities as lost on September 11,
nearly 3,000, but the Islamists were successful in turning public opinion much
sooner, as the Coalition had been victimized by its own early success in
removing the Baathists from power with less than expected losses.
There has also been criticism about
the post-war management by the Bush Administration, but although Iraq was far
from perfect, after some Coalition changes in strategy, it was relatively
peaceful and stable enough for President Barack Obama to justify ending the war
and withdrawing in 2013. However, as
predicted by Bush, without a status of forces agreement to allow American
troops to remain, the premature withdrawal allowed al-Qaeda in Iraq, which
broke away from al-Qaeda and renamed itself the “Islamic State,” to seize large
swaths of northern and western Iraq, with the continued help of Baathist
remnants, and to engage in a terrorism campaign, as well as for Iran and Syria
to extend their malign influence over Iraq.
The Islamists declared a Muslim Caliphate, but have recently been all
but defeated in Iraq and Syria.
When calculating the cost of the
Liberation of Iraq in blood and treasure, it is necessary to consider the costs
of the continuation of the status quo ante, such as the keeping of troops to
defend Iraq’s
neighbors and to continue the no-fly zones.
Those who claim Iraq
and the region were destabilized by its Liberation forget that Iraq was not stable or peaceful and neither Iraq nor the region was stable and to the extent
that Iraq was stable it was
only because of the degree of totalitarianism imposed in the “Republic of Fear.” Iraq had not been internally peaceful and was
at war with the Coalition since before Bush took office, such as attacking
Coalition aircraft nearly on a daily basis, as Hussein, who regarded himself as
another Saladin (the Muslim commander who fought the Christian Crusaders), had
considered the “Mother of All Battles,” his name for the Liberation of Kuwait,
never to have ended. Thus, Iraq
had been attacking Americans both military and through terrorism.
Instead of labeling the Liberation
of Iraq as some kind of a blunder or useless waste, it is appropriate to
consider and appreciate the accomplishments of the Coalition troops. The American and allied troops liberated Iraq
from a tyrant and gave the Iraqi people the ability to exercise
self-determination, brought him and his henchmen to justice for crimes against
humanity, protected Iraq’s neighbors from intimidation, enforced U.N.
resolutions, captured and killed thousands of Islamist jihadists and captured
and destroyed thousands of chemical weapons of mass destruction, including
hundreds that had not been known to U.N. inspectors, and the banned chemicals
used to make them. As additional
benefits of the Liberation of Iraq, the oil embargo was lifted and the large
number of American troops stationed in Saudi
Arabia, where they had been under attack and their
presence had provided al-Qaeda with an excuse to attack Americans, were
withdrawn on U.S.
terms, instead of through the demands of Islamist terrorists.
Now that Iraq, now an ally in the
War on Terrorism instead of a sponsor of it, is returning to peace, it is hoped
that its internal divisions can be healed and it will be able to defend itself
on its own against Islamists, without reliance on Iran or Syria, and that the
constitutional parliamentary republic can more fully enjoy self-determination
and increased prosperity.