In this post, I shall analyze the results of the 2012
elections for presidential and vice presidential electors across the United States . I shall analyze all the other elections
across the Union and the general elections particularly in Pennsylvania in my next post. The election result was disappointing and
disturbing for us conservatives, but there are a number of consolations.
Compared to
2008, the 2012 popular vote for electors was even closer. The Democratic ticket of President Barack
Obama and Vice President Joe Biden lost ground by every standard: total popular
votes, popular margin of victory, States won and Electors. The Obama-Biden ticket won by less than 4
million votes, which represented a 3% popular vote margin of victory, 25 States
and 332 Electors, as opposed to 9.5 million votes, 7% popular vote margin, 28
States and 365 electoral votes. Indeed,
the Democratic ticket won by only around 264,000 votes in four States (Florida , Ohio , Virginia
and New Hampshire ). There was significantly less voter turnout
than in 2008 because of a much larger drop in Democratic than Republican
turnout. Republicans gained a share of
the votes of “independents” compared to 2008.
Obama’s
victory despite these decreases in popular votes and expected electoral votes
are unprecedented for a candidate standing for reelection to a second term
without a major third-party candidate on the ballot. It is also unusual that his party
simultaneously lost seats in Congress, meaning he had no coattails. Thus, the election represented a moral
victory for Republicans and means that there is no second-term mandate for
Obama, especially when considered along with the Republican retention of its
majority in the U.S. House.
The central premise of the liberal Democrats
during the election campaign was that Republican policies, especially tax cuts,
had caused the recession. With a few
exceptions, like this blog (See especially several of my posts shortly before
the election), conservatives and Republicans hardly rebutted this oft-repeated claim,
both during the end of the Bush Administration and throughout entire Obama
Administration, even during the election. As a result, voters blamed the
policies of former Republican President George W. Bush not only for causing the
recession, but even for the continued economic weakness over the last four
years more than they blamed the policies of Obama. They gave the current President credit for
the weak recovery which they optimistically expected to improve.
Although the economy remains weak,
it is not in the state of depression.
Eight percent unemployment means that 92% of the workforce is employed. However, many have given up looking for work
and do not count as part of the workforce while many others are underemployed. Other major employment problems are the
number of chronically unemployed and slow job growth. The economy has also suffered from the loss
of homeownership of many and the decrease in the value of the homes of everyone
else. As I have posted, Obama’s policies
have not been helpful.
The difference in 2012 with the
1980 election when Republican Ronald Reagan defeated incumbent Democratic
President Jimmy Carter, however, was that there was also high inflation at that
time, which affected more people more adversely than now. Moreover, there was a sense of “malaise”
because Carter argued that Americans should accept decline. He seemed unwilling or unable to provide hope
for improvement. By contrast, Obama
followed the optimistic Reagan model that every presidential nominee of either
party has since followed of arguing that the American economy could get
better. Obama also specifically argued
that the economy would improve with his policies, whereas it would not by
returning to Republican policies. Furthermore,
the overwhelming majority of the unemployed voted for Obama at least in part
because of his extension of unemployment compensation. Therefore, the higher the unemployment rate,
the more votes of unemployed workers Obama would have won, notwithstanding any
loss of votes of those who might blame him for higher unemployment.
Conservatives see people as
individuals; liberals seem them as members of constituencies. As with the poor and the unemployed, and even
the middle class, the Democratic campaign followed a campaign strategy of
grouping people into constituencies, such as women, blacks, Hispanics, students
and gays. Many in these groups fell into
the trap of being condescended to by voting for the candidate that pandered to
their constituency, thereby suggesting that people do not think as individuals
and reinforcing stereotypes about people based upon what group to which they
belong. Nevertheless, I disagree with
the argument that the election suggests the demographics have shifted against
the Republicans in regard to the population growth of Hispanics because they
are not monolithic. For example, Cubans
vote Republican, while immigration is not an issue for Puerto Ricans, who are not
immigrants, but American citizens. Hispanics
are generally pro-life and often establish small businesses, which makes them a
natural constituency for conservative Republicans.
I also am not as certain as other
disheartened conservatives that the tipping point has been reached whereby more
voters receive money from the federal government than pay income taxes, which
makes the majority willing to elect candidates who would increase income taxes
on the minority who pays them. Some of
the 47% who currently do not pay a net amount of federal income taxes (in addition
to various other federal taxes that nearly everyone pays) are veterans who
receive benefits they earned, not “takers.”
Others are retirees or disabled people on Social Security or on Medicare
who paid taxes on them on what is presented as a pension/disability insurance
program. They do not think of themselves
as takers and disagree with raising taxes on “the makers.” Even some of the others among the 47%
disagree, too, because they aspire to be wealthy instead of opposing the rich
out of envy or because they understand basic fiscal and economic matters or at
least have common sense. Nevertheless,
the disturbing trend toward a minority paying income taxes is becoming increasingly
dangerous for the Republic, as is as the bribing of constituencies through
government largesse.
Another
factor in the election result was that Obama appeared slightly more likable and
significantly more understanding and compassionate than the Republican nominee
Mitt Romney, whom the Democratic campaign demonized with ad hominem arguments,
even though these factors are irrelevant in choosing a Chief Executive of a
limited federal Republic and Commander in Chief whom few Americans will ever
have to work with personally. Among
other factors was the nomination by the Republicans of a candidate whose moderate
record, despite his campaign as a conservative, failed to inspire enough
conservatives to vote for him, as well as even more documented liberal media
bias than usual and numerous election irregularities. Yet the election was still close.
Some of the
factors in the Obama-Biden win were unique.
For example, the black vote for the Democratic nominee the last two
elections for presidential electors was even higher than usual. There was also the historic factor for other
voters that weighed against voting to fire the first black president. Obama lacked a comprehensive second term
platform. Although it was politically a
disadvantage in not inspiring confidence, it was an advantage for him politically
in not having to defend a position. The
next Democratic presidential nominee will be expected to have a platform in
order to be elected Chief Executive.
The lack of much of a platform is
another reason Obama lacks a mandate.
Few liberal ideas were accepted by the voters, other than the one about
taxes, while the Democrats effectively used several conservative arguments that
I shall discuss in another upcoming post.
Indeed, Romney’s win of the first
candidate debate suggests the conservative message was not rejected by the
voters. Some of his specific proposals
are still under consideration by both parties in Congress. Conservatives may have lost, but conservatism
did not lose.
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